Tuesday, 18 February 2025

Supreme Court Decision on KSRTC - Need to Reconsider Banni Mantap Terminal by R. Chandra Prakash

On Thursday the 6th February 2025, Honorable Supreme Court bench of Justices Vikram Nath and Prasanna B Varale has held that “Section 3 of the Karnataka Motor Vehicles Taxation and Certain Other Law (Amendment) Act, 2003, which repeals the (Karnataka Contract Carriages (Acquisition) Act, 1976) [KCCA Act 1976],   is  constitutional. The court said the State Legislature has rightly exercised its power to repeal the Act”.

The bench concurred with  the Karnataka High Court's division bench decision that the repeal Act is rooted in the practical realities of modern transport policy. The court felt contemporary challenges, such as increasing demand for public transport services, congestion in urban areas, and the need for efficient service delivery, necessitated a more flexible regulatory regime. With this the court dismissed an appeal filed by the KSRTC against the March 28, 2011 judgment by the High Court.

This  decision has huge ramifications for the future functioning of the KSRTC and its monopoly over the bus transport system in the state. It will also lead to the transformation of the entire bus public transport system in the state.


A Product of Emergency

The Karnataka Contract Carriages (Acquisition) Act 1976 was passed during the Emergency [1975-77] in the country. It had  liquidated the private bus transport services and had provided a monopoly platform for the KSRTC.  The consequences of this Act were grave. Hundreds of private operators confronted overnight takeover of their transport businesses, without even adequate compensations and proper procedures.

Over a period of fifty years, it created a  gargantuan state owned KSRTC. Between 1976 and 2003 the KSRTC underwent several re-organisations in its structure to be efficient  and profitable. But every effort has failed.


An Attempt to Undo KCCA Act 1976

Country’s economic policy underwent fundamental change in 1991 when the process of liberalization and private sector participation replaced Nehuruvian socialist economic policy. Since then the private sector started to participate in every field of economy, including bus transportation. However, KSRTC monopoly did not allow private sector participation in the state on a wide scale. Only Contract Carriages were allowed  with very limited participation. Government was incurring huge financial losses because of such public sector dominance in bus transport.

It is under the above background that the government had  brought in the  Karnataka Motor Vehicles Taxation and Certain Other Law (Amendment) Act, 2003, with an intention to repeal the Karnataka Contract Carriages (Acquisition)Act,1976.

The KSRTC and others went on appeal against this Act 2003. The judgment of the High Court did not settle the matter and it went up to the Supreme Court, which  has given its  judgment.


Future Repercussions

There will be expansion of bus transport services through extensive private participation. Consequently, entire logistics of transport network services will undergo phenomenal transformation. The public will certainly get an alternative to monopolistic KSRTC. Competition between KSRTC and Private Service Providers will ensure better services to the user.  Profit motive driven private service providers will optimize their return on investment through good management of their resources. Greater employment opportunities for skilled workers and higher revenues for the government will be other benefits.

This judgment will be a timely relief to the present government, which  is facing a huge financial crunch. Now the government can earn revenues by providing permits to the private bus operators to operate bus routes. The ever loss incurring KSRTC will no more be breathing down the financial neck of the government


Loss of Monopoly

KSRTC will lose its monopoly on bus transport services. And therefore, it will have to reconsider its current expansion plans. Shrinking of its services will necessitate it to better utilize its financial resources. Capital investments into infrastructure and  non-productive  areas will also have to be reassessed.


New Terminal Needs Reconsideration

Star of Mysore has published  several articles and letters to the editor by this author on the New Terminal proposal. Many others too have provided 360 degree views on this topic. Hence, this write up only focuses on the repercussions of the Supreme Court decision on the future of KSRTC and also the proposal under consideration.

Under the changed scenario, KSRTC has to reconsider its plan to invest Rs.120 crore into the proposed new terminal at Banni Mantap. It will have to redraw its demand projections in the short term and long term. Because, now a parallel system of bus transportation under the private sector will create its own infrastructure in keeping with its vision. And  the KSRTC will no longer be the sole service provider.

A wrong decision in this regard will cause immense damage to the city’s heritage and culture. It might be appropriate here to recall how KSRTC has in the past built Terminals at Sathagalli as also at Kuvempu Nagar,  which have remained scarcely used for decades. The remodeling of City Bus Terminal at K.R.Cirlce and the Sub-Urban Terminal on  Bangaluru – Nilgiri Road was very unscientific and have scarred the city with avoidable traffic congestions and inconveniences to the public.

Let the proposed new terminal at Banni Mantap not add to such an infamous list.

                     -------------------------------------------- 

Thursday, 26 December 2024

Banni Mantap New Bus Terminal - KSRTC’s Yet Another Ostrich-like Policy by R. Chandra Prakash

A proposal for  a new Bus Terminal at Banni Mantap has been announced by the KSRTC. As per its public statement a DPR has been sent to government for approval. Even though the  details of DPR is not made public, from the available information one can foresee a disaster in waiting. The proposed Terminal is to be located on 14 acres of land carved out of the 65 acres of KSRTC Depot at Banni Mantap. 

The Terminal will be facing Highway Circle Road, that is Nelson Mandela Road, also popularly called Banni Mantap road. On its eastern side it will be facing heritage Banni Mantap with its stadium. These two areas will be dissected by existing 12 meter road linking Nelson Mandela road with Shivaraatreeshwar Nagar.  The proposal includes a construction of 15 meter wide road going around on its western and northern side  linking  Nelson Mandela Road with pre-existing 12 meter road on its eastern side.

Anticipated Benefits

The KSRTC press release states that “currently, the rural bus stand, which spreads over four acres of land, is congested. The division is finding it difficult to operate all its fleet of 2,600 buses on different routes from this bus stand.” It is very simple justification therefore, that a shift from present four acres to 14 acres will facilitate a very convenient and comfortable area for the KSRTC to operate all its fleet of buses from the proposed new Terminal at the Banni Mantap. 

However, it overlooks many vital facts. 

Important Residential & Educational Area

KSRTC’s  Divisional Central Offices and Depots are located in MCC Ward Number 8 which has a small spread of only 1.90 Km area. This Ward has a highly priced and thickly populated residential neighborhood. It is also surrounded by institutions of higher education such as St. Philomina’s College, government college, JSS Mahavidyalay Medical Education Complex,  schools, a Polytechnic, to mention only a few. This ward is commercially vibrant. It also has a very active industrial area on its western side adjoining HUDCO lay out. 

Narrow, Congested Roads

The proposed Terminal has its main facing on Nelson Mandela Road. It is a 25 meter road and an important arterial road connecting eastern and western side of the city. Both the sides of this main road has thickly populated residential localities, commercial complexes, as also industrial units. Consequently, the current density of traffic on this road is already very high. So much so, even now the entry and exit of KSRTC buses from and to the Depots themselves are facing immense traffic bottlenecks. This is also an accident prone area. 

Further, the road in between proposed bus terminal and the Banni Mantap is only 12m wide. Even if the authorities provide more space between this road and the terminal within its area, the outside width of the road itself cannot be extended. 

Disaster in Waiting

As per the press release the currently a fleet of only 2,600 buses are operating from the Nilgiri-Bangaluru Raod bus terminal. This itself is going to be a very huge number in terms of additional traffic to be generated by the new bus terminal. Even if the KSRTC tries to spread the entry and exit on the three roads around it, heavy duty bus traffic is surely going to play havoc in already heavy traffic area.

There is no scope for any further expansion of roads! It does not need an expert to guess what will be the situation in future.

Report of D.C.T. & T Plan

In 2010 A Development of Comprehensive Traffic & Transport Plan for Mysuru was submitted. While justifying the need for the Outer Ring Road the Report noted the situation on Banni Mantap road as follows:

The problem was worse especially near Old RMC and Banni Mantap leading to Bangalore Road, and pollution caused by automobiles in the city  centre was perceived to be higher than in other areas of Mysore. This was corroborated by the findings of the Karnataka State Pollution Control Board, which pointed out that dust content in the air in the centre was abnormally high.  Besides the environmental factor, the Outer Ring Road was also perceived as necessary to improve the intra-city transportation system.

That was 2010, but since then the traffic situation on the road mentioned has multiplied many times and might have over taken the relief derived from the Outer Ring Road [ORR]!. Rather, as the Outer Ring Road is located not far behind the KSRTC Depot, total pollution in the area mentioned in the above Report might itself have multiplied due to heavy traffic on ORR! 

Let us consider the findings of another Report.me2010

Temporal Study Report

A Temporal Study Report [Vol-1 and Vol-2] was submitted to KSRTC in 2015 by Kimley Horn Consulting and Engineering, New Delhi. The report was about Monitoring and Evaluation of Deployment of ITS at KSRTC. Its survey stated that the density of traffic at the Fountain Circle and the Columbia Asia Circle [ presently Manipal Hospital Circle] was very high. Between 9.00 A.M and 9.00 P.M the traffic was between 2,200 and 2,800 vehicles at the Fountain Circle, and between 1,500 and 1,800 at the  Columbia [Manipal] Circle. And these figures are nine years old! 

Presently  the traffic at the Manipal circle has increased geometrically due to new access controlled High Way between Mysuru and Bangaluru. Substantial part of this traffic goes via Fountain Circle and there is natural telescopic effect at this junction. So much so the traffic police has been struggling with providing modified traffic movement and control at Manipal Circle, practically every month. Now a flyover is in the pipeline. 

As most of the buses from and to the new terminal  will have to pass through these two circles, obviously they are going to be severely congested. Therefore, the overall impact of the proposed new bus terminal will not only add to heavy traffic but also heavier pollution in Banni Mantap area. 

Endangering the Heritage

The KSRTC Depot, where the new Bus Terminal is proposed, has a important heritage place,  the Banni Mantap on its eastern side. The entire area is named after it. It plays very important role in the ‘world famous Mysuru Dasara’. Even before the new terminal comes into operation, there are suggestion that the stadium located in the Banni Mantap compound could be used as an adjoining parking place to support the functioning of new terminal!! It looks as if KSRTC has a never ending confrontation with the royalty and the heritage of Mysuru!

Let us briefly probe into its history. 

1976-78 Confrontation 

By1976-77 the demand for space at the K.R.Circle Bus Terminal had become very acute. A few years ago  K.S.R.T.C had extended its area on the Sayyaji Rao road, up to Bamhapuri Palace Gate.  Now it  was contemplating to expand its area of operations  beyond Bamhapuri Palace Gate on Sayyaji Rao road.  That lead to agitation from the occupants of the Palace as also the city’s public, as such an act would diminish the heritage value of the palace itself. The country was going through Emergency. Late Sri. D.Jayadevaraja Urs, [MLC,1972-28], was  a very powerful political leader of the time, having close connections both with the Palace  and the Chief Minister, late Sri.D.Devaraj Urs [1970-77, 78-80]. He very strongly objected to any such proposal and directed the KSRTC to find an alternative place for expansion of bus terminal.  

Hunt for a New Location

Sri. Salagar, a very soft spoken gentleman and a committed worker, was the Divisional Controller of KSRTC Mysore Division. Having  completed the Urban Transport of Mangalore in 1975 for the Institute of Development Studies, University of Mysore, I was researching further on the working of KSRTC and was in constant touch with Sri.Salagar. Both of us started to hunt for a suitable place and among other areas People’s Park, abandoned K.R.Mills, and even the Banni Mantap Bus Depot was considered. But all these locations were dispensed with,  for one reason or the other. 

Final Choice 

It was then that both of us agreed on an abandoned  dilapidated government school building with adequate open space on Nilgiri-Bangalore road. A government horticultural farm was located adjoining this school on  Irwin Road. It was an  added attraction for future expansions. The new Sub-urban Bus Stand [SBST] was established there. To begin with only the Non-Stop bus services were operated from here. But in the due course of time more operations of  rural and inter-city buses  were shifted to this SBST,  and K.R.Circle bus station became a City Bus Terminal. 

This is how any further damage to heritage palace premises was avoided then. However, the proposal for new Bus Terminal revives the threat to the Mysuru’s  another heritage place, now it is at  Banni Mantap.

An Ideal Location

It will be wise to locate the proposed new Bus Terminal beyond the ORR on Bangaluru-Mysuru High Way. The ideal location could be some- where around or near Naganahalli, where the Railways are also planning to establish a intermittent station to reduce the load on city railway station. 

To facilitate easy mobility of the passengers, it would be advisable to locate the Bus Terminal on either-side of the High Way with over-ground or under-ground connectivity. This will facilitate ease on both the onward vehicular traffic and the passenger mobility. 

Present ORR can facilitate the outstation buses to avoid entering city boundaries, and a faster bus movement. When the fly-over at Manipal Hospital junction comes up, their movement will further be smoother. 

Mere availability of land at Banni Mantap KSRTC Depot should not be the deciding factor. Future consequences should be gauged keeping in mind the growth of the city and the resultant traffic density. 

KSRTC should come out of its ostrich-like policy making. 


Friday, 13 December 2024

Nehru Era And Bharat’s Missed Opportunities by R.Chandra Prakash

Jawaharlal Nehru was the first prime minister of free India. His tenure continued unabated between 1950 and 1964, for nearly fourteen years with successful massive victories in the elections. During his entire tenure Nehru enjoyed unprecedented popularity among the people.  Several felicitous events in Nehru’s lifetime had helped in building up his political image and power.

Gandhi’s open unfair preference to Nehru  over more meritorious Congressmen, which  has already been detailed, was substantially responsible for generating such an extraordinary public sentiments. During the independence movement this had also given Nehru a commanding influence of several decades on  the Indian National Congress [INC]. 

Early demise of many stalwart colleagues contemporaries like Rajendra Prasad, Vallabhai Patel,  Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, Shymaprasad Mukherji and many others, helped Nehru to exercise more or less a dictatorial powers during his entire tenure. 

Development Policy – Failed Modernization
Nehru’s economic development policy was to create a modern welfare state with Socialism and Secularism as its main planks. For this the  focus was to be on poverty, unemployment, industrialization, agricultural growth and infrastructural development. All these were to be achieved through centralized planning. Though modeled on Soviet state planning mechanism, the political system to control economic functioning  was parliamentary democracy. Nehru evolved Non-alignment as a foreign policy for an independent India. This was to get developmental support from countries with different ideologies.

First Five Year Plan focused on agricultural development. Whereas the second Five Year Plan on Industrial development. The Third Five Year Plan was a balanced economic plan covering not only agriculture and industry but also tertiary sectors.

During the year 1956 several policy decisions with far reaching changes in Education, Industrial, Banking, Mining, Transport, Insurance and Trading were carried out. And a series of nationalization of existing private enterprises were carried out in many of these sectors, and several new Public sector units were established in important technologies to further these business activities. 

Nehru’s drive for economic development and modernization through the state apparatus which was molded during the colonial period could not meet objectives and targets. Lack of trust in the private economic initiative, which was the  innate strength of Bharat, only resulted in enlarged dreams, enhanced demands and all-round shortages. Consequently, the collapsing administrative and political structures generated all-round corruption and  distortions.

Further, the State Reorganization on the linguistic bases changed the socio-political geography of the  post independence India. How far this has been beneficial to Bharat is a matter of debate. Because, at one end of this spectrum if the country’s cultural moorings seem to  have been strengthened, at the other end it cannot be ignored that it has also created sharp regional-linguistic tensions and divisions.  Best examples  are: division of Punjab and Haryana; the way Andhra Pradesh was created, and the way it got further divided into Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, even though Telagu is the language of both the states!  

Idealism sans Pragmatism
Nehru’s idealistic penchant for secularism lead to many constitutional amendments and policy pronouncements during this era. Emphasis on secularism ignored the fact that country was divided on communal grounds and Pakistan was created for those who wanted an Islamic state. A genocide of gigantic proportion, might not be lesser than Nazi massacre of the Jews, had taken place. Under these highly tragic circumstances, a newly minted independent Bharat, needed a pragmatist, and not an idealist. 

Consequently, during the post-independence the entire emphasis has been on one-sided secular policies endangering the Bharat’s heritage and innate cultural ethos. Kashmiri Pandits’ exodus from Kashmir during 1998 stands testimony to such unrealistic national policies. 

A glimpse of economic disaster during the Nehruvian economics has already been provided. But it is the political bankruptcy etched deeply into the psychology of a nascent nation which has continued to cause irreparable damage to Bharat.  

Because,  Nehruvian Era did not end with the demise of Nehru.

Nehruvian Era - Instituted Political Dynasty 
Nehru did not facilitate other leaders in Congress to take over after him. With the demise of all his seniors and equals, Congress gradually became his fiefdom. Finally, Nehru’s successor was none other than his daughter Indira Gandhi. She was fully trained under Nehru and she only furthered Nehruvian Era. With graver political consequences to the nation. Only marginal difference was that she carried a surname of ‘Gandhi’.

Interestingly, her husband’s name was Feroze Jehangir Ghandhy. However, having been inspired by Mahatma Gandhi,  Feroze had changed the spelling of his surname from Ghandy to Gandhi]. Such innocuous act has played  diabolic political consequences in the Indian politics. It provided Indira Gandhi a powerful political hallow of both Jawaharlal Nehru and Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, two stalwarts of country’s independence movement.

Further, it helped in perpetuating family’s stronghold over the Indian National Congress. On the hindsight  it is clear that Congress became a weaker political party with every succeeding Nehru-Gandhi heir gaining control over it. During her own regime, INC was divided multiple times like Congress(O) and Congress (R), later on as Congress(I) and so on. With weakened Congress Nehru-Gandhi domination in country’s politics grew stronger.

Thus, political nepotism began with Indira Gandhi coming to power after Nehru. And due to her assassination, the emotionally weakened political atmosphere launched her son Rajeev Gandhi on to the Prime Minister’s post. It must be noted that he was not into active politics. After Rajeev’s unfortunate assassination his widow Antoio maino, of foreign origin,  [later on renames as Sonia Gandhi] took charge of the Congress Party, and by 2004 she was a very dominant controlling figure of the party. 

Sonia Gandhi practically would have taken charge as the Prime Minister in 2004, but for the mysterious reasons  she preferred not to and nominated Dr.Manmohan Singh instead. Interestingly, soon it became an open secret that it was Sonia Gandhi who  was functioning as  the de-facto Prime Minister,  whereas Dr.Manmohan Singh was only a  de-jure Prime Minister! [The Accidental Prime Minister: The Making and Unmaking of Manmohan Singh by Sanjay Baru (2014). Author was his Media Advisor between 2004-2008].

Ever since 2004 fourth generation Nehru-Gandhi scion, Rahul Gandhi has been seen taking very active part in the country’s politics. In 2014   it was rumored that he would be anointed with the family’s fiefdom – the Prime Minister’s post. Again in 2019, and 2024 similar noises were heard,  but the public has thought better of it. Finally, in 2024 he is the Opposition Leader in the Lok Sabha. 

Just a few weeks ago another Nehru-Gandhi scion, Rahul Gandhi’s sister, Priyanka Vadra Gandhi has entered the political arena as a member of Lok Sabha.!

Therefore, the saga of independent  India has been the story of four generation Nehru-Gandhi political dynasty. So much for the democratic values of Nehruvian Era. 

Slogans Replace Philosophy

Since Indira Gandhi’s period slogans have replaced political philosophy. At the end of 1977, she was such a dominating figure in Indian politics that Congress party president D. K. Barooah had coined the phrase "India is Indira and Indira is India."

Soon after Indira Gandhi took over as the Prime Minister of India, she resorted to announcing economic programs of mass  appeasement such as nationalization of private banks, abolition of Privy Purse constitutionally promised to erstwhile Rajas and Maharajas. Soon she announced Garibi Hatao, a slogan as a state policy. This only confirmed that entire Nehruvian Era had  only resulted in enhancing poverty! But the emotive power of such actions and slogans were benumbing on the masses who not only forgot past policy  failures, but started to believe in their newer slogans. 

So much so, her grandson’s slogan today is “Jis ki Jitni Aabaadi, Uski Utni Bhagidari”, based on demand for and promise to carry out Caste Census. Lebanon had followed a similar policy based on religions, today it is a shattered country, overtaken by once a marginal Islamic race as soon as it gained comfortable share in the population. But Congress party and leaders are least bothered about the history lessons. They can go to any extent to regain the seat of Prime Minister.

My Way or Highway
Economic failures during Congress regimes have created only created poverty and masses who are susceptible to money and short-term benefits. Congress party has been continuously failing to retain its nationalistic position with repeated failures at the national elections. 

From the theatrics of fourth generation Rahul Gandhi since 2014, both inside and outside the Parliament, one can only conclude that now Congress believes that the Gandhi Family’s ‘sacrifices’ justifies its entitlement to the post of Prime Minister. No one else can occupy that post.  Hence for Nehru clan it is My Way or the Highway!

Missed Opportunities
On the hindsight it becomes clear that elongated Nehruvian Era has overlooked the intrinsic values and strength of Bharat. Its policies has been anti-Bharat, anti-Heritage, and anti-Hindu. A peep into the economic explosion soon after Dr.Manmohan Singh’s liberal economic policies in 1990 and thereafter exposes our losses during Nehru Era. 

The way Bharat provided solutions for much feared and challenging computer problems, popularly referred to as Y2K error to the world in 2000,  the way Bharat has gained world position in computer software technology and services since then, the way Bangaluru became a world’s second Silicon Valley, and more so the tempo of overall growth during Modii’s regime since 2014 raising from the tenth position to 5th position in the world GDP ranking all speak about opportunity lost during entire Nehru Era. Nehru Era for the Bharat,  is similar to a tragic Polio attack to a child.


Monday, 9 December 2024

Nehruvian Economics – A Retrospective by R. Chandra Prakash

Those who fail to learn from history, are doomed to repeat it—Winston Churchill

Nehru was an honorable man.  He was also a learned person, an intellectual and a great patriot. No one can question his integrity and nationalism. His overall contributions to the nation-building has to be recognized. However, these qualities and contributions cannot be a cover for his actions which on retrospect, have been highly detrimental to a free  Bharat. Because, no leader, however great he might be, more important than the Nation.  History warns us not to repeat same mistakes again, as the consequences could be devastating. Hence, these articles. It is in this context that  Churchill’s above quote becomes relevant.

Here it is endeavored to elucidate Nehruvian Economics, its evolution, failures and its detrimental effects to the country.

Roots of Nehruvian Economics
The roots of Nehruvian Economics dates back to 1938, when the Indian National Congress [INC] set up a National Planning Committee. Nehru had played an active role in giving shape to National Planning Committee, its functional structure  and the role of the State. This was a period when Russian Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, and Stalin’s Economic Planning, had made cognizable influence upon the academic, economic and political fields all over  the world. Subsequently, this went on to become the core of the post-independence Economic Policy, with the establishment of the Planning Commission under the Central Government. 

 The main objectives set for the INC’s National Planning Committee were: removal of poverty, establishment of self-sufficiency and socialism. The Public Sector was to be the main instrument to achieve these objectives. 
 
Aristocratic Background
One has to remember here that Jawaharlal Nehru has had an aristocratic family background. His father Motilal Nehru was a well established rich lawyer. Motilal Nehru was also a well recognized political leader of the Indian independence movement and a cofounder of Swaraj Party. His close relationship with Gandhi made him an important figure in the INC as well. 

It is with this background that Nehru  received his early education at home under private tutors,  and at an early age of fifteen, he went to England and after two years at Harrow, joined Cambridge University where he took Tripos in Natural Sciences. He was later called to the Bar from Inner Temple. 

Nehruvian Vs Gandhian Economics
In 1917, when the Russian Bolshevik Revolution took place, Nehru was   already twenty eight years of age. As evidenced above, also well educated. He was a person of science and had a scientific temper. He was privy to all the knowledge of what was called ‘modern’ at that period of time  He was privy to all the changes taking place in the economic and political fields all over the world.  Since he was not born in the bottom of the economic pyramid, his economic philosophy was obviously influenced not by grass-root personal experiences, but by the theoretical understanding of poverty and compassion for the  down trodden.. All these should have influenced his perception of history, economics, politics and sociology.

Under Nehruvian economics Public Sector was to play primary role in the core industrial and manufacturing activities. Investment into Public Sector was to be made by the State. New industrial complexes would be created which would provide jobs. In brief, it was Soviet Economic system! And Private Sector was only to play a supportive role and that too mainly in the tertiary activities like Trade and Commerce. Thus, Nehruvian economics presumed that Indian private sector was incapable of establishing large and medium industries on its own and unable to fathom necessary investments.

Gandhi, in contrast, was a grass-root person, both in the economic and political sense. His economic thoughts were tempered by what he had experienced and experimented with in Transvaal, South Africa. Gandhi had clear understanding of Bharat’s social and religious foundations. Hence, his political philosophy of mass-based movements for independence was accompanied by his economic policies of rural based mass Charka/Khadi, and cooperatives. 

Under Gandhian economics women, who constituted very important segment of the population, and a major rural agricultural workforce, were to take active part in the industrial production through their participation in Charka/Khadi movement. And thereby not only contribute to the national income but also become earners on their own rights. Such economic policy was to energize the rural geography into an viable and strong economic force without disturbing the inter-dependence of rural population and the agriculture. 

Gandhi’s call for shedding of foreign clothes and campaign for Swadeshi products not only created a big challenge for the British rulers, but it also integrated very well with his overall economic development philosophy. In short,  it was a decentralized economic development policy, as against Nehru’s  highly centralized one.

Therefore, it is an enigma as to how, despite overbearing authority of Gandhi over INC’s policies, Nehru succeeded to impose upon the Congress his Soviet  economic policy model! There were  some marginal concessions to Gandhian views, such as co-operative movement and Khadi! And Nehruvian economic planning became a reality soon after independence. 
 
Impact of Nehruvian Economics
In 1951 the  First Five-Year Plan was launched. And during his tenure Nehru had launched three Five-Year Plans. A detailed analysis of performance of Five-Year Plans is beyond the scope of this write-up. It suffice to recall that after the successful launching of the Third Five Year Plan, Five-Year Plans gradually faded away from the scene. They might have succeeded in the establishment of core industrial infrastructure in the country like Steel, Heavy Industry, Power, Mining, Transport, Foreign Trade, etc,  but it would not be erroneous to say that set targets in every public sector were seldom met. And the consequences to the nation were grave.  It certainly failed in its three objectives of  alleviating poverty, in attaining self-sufficiency and in the establishment of socialism. 

Nehruvian economic model had resulted in lopsided development in the agricultural-industrial sectors; in the rural-urban geographies. It encouraged mass migration from the rural areas to the urban and industrial areas. It Created Slums and Ghettos, resulting in degradation of human values. It generated perennial shortages in all the sectors of production. It established a License-Quota Raj. Corruption became rampant. It resulted in exorbitant tax-evasion, created Black Markets and generated huge Black Money. It weakened the private sector. It corrupted every segment of factors of production in the country.  It would suffice to say that Nehruvian economics failed and failed miserably.

Failure of Soviet Model
It would be necessary to recall here that Soviet Model of economic policy was conceived and implemented under a political dictatorship. The State had full control over the factors of production, be it finance, raw material, human resources, infra-structure, and could command them to their requirements. So much so even the migration of labor from the rural to industrial complexes or the urban areas were under the State control with quota system in operation. It was not suitable to the democracy.

Interestingly, despite  such overall  dictatorial state control, planned economic policy failed in the Soviet Union itself, as was evident from Gorbachev era; and also in the Communist  China as was evidenced from the Mao period. 

Against Bharat’s Ingrained Character
Experiences of Nehurvian economic policy has established that it was contrary to the intrinsic character of Bharat. It disregarded the people’s individual drive, competence and capacity. It ignored the lessons of its illustrious long history.


Next:  Nehru Era And Bharat’s Missed Opportunities








Sunday, 1 December 2024

Modi’s Challenges : A Rejoinder - Nehru Cannot be Spared! by R.Chandra Prakash

K.B.Ganapathy’s Abracadabra, (dated 19 th and 20 th Nov 2024), is a frank and bold narration of concurrent history. It points to the root causes for the predicament the sacred geography of Bharat is confronted with today. And which set the challenges before the patriot Modi. However, the Abracadabra gives an impression as if the rot began with the regime of Indira Gandhi. This rejoinder will try to substantiate the fact that it all started long before Indira Gandhi, even before Independence, with Nehru, and of course during entire period of his Prime Ministership.

Many of us, born during forties and fifties, grew up highly influenced by the ‘charismatic’ personality’ aura of Jawaharlal Nehru. Nehru’s books, mainly The Discovery of India (1946) and Letters from a Father to his Daughter (1929) shaped our idea of nationalism; political and economic policies during our growing up period. His personal links with the British leaders during independence struggle was portrayed as extraordinary political capital. November, 14 th his birth day, became “Chacha Nehru” day, a national celebration among the children. Thereby, seeding among the young minds loyalty to the Nehru clan. Gandhi’s Partiality

However, now our generation has realized as to how Gandhi’s endearment of Motilal Nehru and Jawaharlal Nehru, and the entire Nehru family resulted in political turns and twists, many of them very diabolic indeed, in the national landscape of pre-independence history. Despite proven political skills, academics and commanding contributions during Bardoli Movement and Salt Satyagraha by Vallabh Bhai Patel, Gandhi not only sidelined him, but gave special importance to Nehru.

Similarly, even though Subhash Chandra Bose won the election of the President of Indian National Congress [INC] Working Committee with a thumping majority, defeating Nehru during the crucial pre-second World War, Gandhi prevailed upon Bose to give way to Nehru. Even Ambedkar and many other capable congress leaders did not get their due place in the national scene because of Gandhi’s open partiality towards Nehru. Interestingly, Gandhi had resigned from the INC long before that and was not even its primary member!

It is such open non-democratic and whimsical maneuvers by Gandhi which made Nehru a very tall national figure in the political history. And this laid the foundation to the dynastic politics, imprinting of fake ‘Gandhi’ and Gandhian philosophy. And it is here that we find the root cause of post-independence pseudo-secularism and fake socialism which have caused immense damage to the Sanathana Dharma. Had Gandhi followed democratic principle and encouraged all those competent nationalists, Nehru would never have been the first Prime Minister of independent India, and the story of Bharat would have been entirely different.

Constitution and Nehru-era

It is an irony that fake-Gandhi Congress today is crying hoarse that Modi is going to make fundamental changes into the ‘sacred’ Constitution, fake copy of which is being flaunted in the recently held ‘save Constitution’ rally. Abracadabra has narrated how Indira Gandhi made a mince-meat of this ‘sacred Constitution’.

However, one cannot forget the fundamental damages inflicted upon the Constitution during the Nehru-era. The very first amendment was carried out in June 1951, within one and half year of its implementation! This single amendment consisted of modifications of Articles: 15, 19, 85, 87, 174, 176, 341, 342, 372 and 376. And it inserted Articles 31A and 31B. as also Schedule 9. And   Schedule 9 introduced laws which encroached upon the property rights, freedom of speech and equality before law! Between 1951 and May 1964, Nehru’s period, as many as 16 Amendments effecting multiple and far reaching changes into the Constitution were made. Yet, today the Congress has the temerity to allege that Modi will change the Constitution, when in reality no such endeavor is visible.

B. R. Ambedkar’s views on Nehru

B. R. Ambedkar not only played a major role in framing of the Constitution but he was also Law Minister in Nehru’s first cabinet. His academic acumen and patriotism are matter of great admiration. He had to resign from the Cabinet within a short time on a matter of principle, and also due to his differences with Nehru’s policies and attitude. His resignation speech delivered on 10 th Oct 1951 “exposes Nehru’s facade as a democrat who believed in debate and dissent..... exposes Nehru as a ‘liar and habitual breaker of his word, a Prime Minister with zero integrity, ability and competence but one who was endowed with extraordinary manipulative skills and was adept at backstabbing his own colleagues and friends”. (Source: Team Dharma Dispatch – How Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru Ousted Dr.B.R.Ambedkar from the Cabinet: The Full Story.)

These words might have been considered highly personal views of Ambedkar who might have been hurt then, but the happenings of Nehru-era now substantiate many of his observations.

Nehru – Originator of Dynastic Politics

In the recent past hundreds of books and articles have appeared exposing faux-pa by Nehru. Nehru’s handling of Kashmir issue, his unexplainable faith and love for Abdulla dynasty, stealthily injecting of Article 370 and 35A into the Constitution to provide Special Status to Kashmir, his China policy, and many more, are now fully explained national disasters. The damage caused is not restricted to Kashmir. Entire socio-political fabric of the nation and the Sanathana Dharma have been adversely affected.

Appointment of his own sister Smt. Vijayalakshmi Pandit to the United Nation as Permanent Representative, and above all, designating his daughter Indira Gandhi first as his Hostess and gradually encouraging her to take active part in the government and party affairs fully expose his distrust in democratic values. Hence, it is Nehru who has laid the foundation of dynastic politics in the country.

Dynastic Politics and Corruption –The Real National Challenges 

If Indira Gandhi was first beneficiary of the Dynastic Politics, she also became a role model for many more dynastic political parties to emerge on the political landscape of the country. In Karnataka it is Devegowda’s J.D(s); in Tamil Nadu it is Karunanidhi’s D.M.K; in Uttar Pradesh apart from many it is Mulayam Singh’s S.P; in Bihar it is Lalu Prasad Yadav’s R.J.D; in Maharastra it is Thackeray’s Shiv Sena and Sharad Powar’s N.C.P; in West Bengal it is Mamatha Banerjee’s T.M.C and many more. Interestingly, most of them are the off-shoots of post-1968 Indira’s National Congress!

These dynastic political parties have a very narrow geographical control, mostly based on caste, regionalism, and of course money power generated by and for the corruption! Even, Bharatiya Janata Party [BJP], which has had its origin in nationalistic and patriotic origin in its Jan Singh-era, has had to face factionalism and charges of corruption. If in Karnataka it was Yediyurappa, then in Uttar Pradesh Kalyan Singh. Unfortunately, in a torn political mandate, for which mostly these dynastic parties are responsible, make them the King Makers! Because, today Indian politics is no more a competition of principles or dogmas, it is the power of caste and cash.

It is their damaging impact on the national scenario which is a real challenge a patriot and an honest leader, Modi faces. However, Ganapathy is spot on when he quotes Ronald Reagan – “Problem is not the Problems, but it is the Solution”.

Tuesday, 5 November 2024

City Centre Traffic Muddle “Transport Triangle” -- The Crux of the Traffic Problem by R. Chandra Prakash

Recent write ups in Star of Mysore are an indicative of the fact that the city centre traffic problem has caught the attention of citizens. And this augurs well for Mysuru and Mysoreans.  This will make the People’s Representatives of every hue and Officers of every Department to take note of citizens’ anguish and  to take their responsibilities seriously. 

What is the nature of City Centre? Who are the main contributors to Traffic Muddle out there?

City Centre – A Commercial Hub

Erstwhile Makkaji Chowk has spawned new and modern commercial establishments around Devaraja Market, on roads such as Sayyaji Rao Road, Dhanvantari Road, and the new Devaraja Urs Road. Even the old Dodda Pete i.e Ashoka Road, Shivarampet and Chamaraja Double road have now become very busy commercial area. Heritage Devaraja Market continues to be the epicenter of  city’s commercial activities.

K.R.Hospital Complex in the City Centre has expanded with the establishment of newer Departments and services. Further, it has given rise to a large number of pathological labs and pharmaceutical shops. Being only large and heritage government hospital in Mysuru District, K.R.Hospital complex  attracts exceptionally large number of  patients from rural areas apart from city itself. 

Thus, there is no denying of the fact that, despite of emergence of new extensions with commercial complexes, city centre continues to be our Commercial Hub. Mysore Master Plan has categorized this area as Central Business District [CBD].

Further, over past decades the number of private vehicles has grown at a very fast rate. City has nearly seven lakh vehicles of different categories. Two wheelers, followed by four wheelers, constitute a very large chunk of total private vehicles. This indicates citizens’ preference to independent mode of transport. Prevalence of concentrated commercial activities within the city centre along with preference to private transport vehicles have certainly resulted in heavy vehicular traffic in the city centre. 

However, it would be missing the real problem if we think that the city centre traffic muddle is entirely due to above reasons. Widened roads within the city centre would have provided adequate scope for the smooth flow for the fast increasing private vehicle. The real culprit in the city centre traffic muddle is the emergence of self constricting “Transport Triangle” within the city centre.  



“Transport Triangle” - The Crux of the Traffic Problem 

Railway Station, Suburban Bus Station and the City Bus Station are located on three points of a triangle formed by Sayyaji Rao Road, Irwin Road and the Bengaluru – Nilgiri Road.   And this is a very narrow triangle in that. The distances between the two angles do not exceed 1.5 km. This is what we would like to identify as “Transport Triangle”, which is our own Bermuda Triangle of sort. Most important of all, CBD is located within this triangle!!

Let us consider functioning and the consequences of this Transport Triangle on the city centre.  

Railway station

Railways run 35 pairs of daily trains (which mean daily 70 trains, either departing or arriving at the station), 5 Weekly trains, 3 Bi Weekly trains, and one Weekly train from the station. Every day there are, on an average, 28,000 to 30,000 outgoing passengers; and on an average, 30,000 incoming passengers at the Railway station. This means that on an average 60,000 passengers are making use of the Railway station. Not all trains carry same number of passengers. It is mainly the Bengaluru – Mysuru oriented train traffic which account for major chunk of railway passengers arriving at or departing from the railway station. 

Part of arriving passengers would be heading towards Suburban Bus Station to catch their buses to reach their destinations in the rural hinterland. So also a large number of railway passengers could be heading to City Bus Station to complete their onward journey to destination, in case they cannot have a city bus at the railway station.

Railway passengers make use of buses, auto-rickshaws, four wheelers and two wheelers to arrive at or depart from railway station. One can imagine the vehicular traffic generated by the Railway station on Irwin Road, Jhansi Lakshmi Bai Road and now on K.R.S Road.

Since the C.F.T.R.I side of the railway station does not have full service of ticket booking, bus services, etc, major portion of railway passengers prefer to use the old railway office side entrance/exit. This further increased the passenger load on Irwin Road and Jhansi Lakshmi Bai Road.

Thus, heavy vehicular traffic generated by the railway station within this narrow triangle cannot be ignored.

Sub-urban Bus Station

Sub-urban Bus Station is located on the Benglauru – Niligiri road, within about 1.5 km from the railway station. This bus station was established in 1977 only to operate Mysuru - Bengaluru Non-Stop Bus services and to overcome the congestion at the city centre bus station. Over the period it developed as Sub-urban Bus station.  Today this bus station is handling 2,350 arrivals and 2,350 departures per day. On an average about 1,00,000 passengers make use of this sub-urban bus station every day.

Daily there are 557 departures towards Bengaluru alone (115 Non –Stop luxury bus services, 310 Non-Stop Karnataka Saarige services [non A/C buses], and 132 Inter-state bus services). Bengaluru  oriented departures  alone account for more than 20,000 passengers per day. Then there are an equal number of arrivals, both in number of buses and the number of passengers. This means that Bengaluru oriented buses alone account for more than 1000 buses and about 40,000 passengers; both incoming and outgoing. One can imagine the total load of this traffic alone on the sub-urban bus stand. 

This load is not evenly spread over 24 hours. On an average from 08.00  to 19.00 is the peak time at the bus station. In that too 09.00 to 10.00 and 14.00 to 15.00 are high peak times. The traffic load  is very high during the peak times.

One has to take into consideration the fact that those who get into and get out of the sub-urban bus station themselves will be using some means of transport. That could be city bus services, two wheelers, four wheelers, auto-rickshaws.  All these vehicles will be using the roads leading from and to the present sub-urban bus station. There is substantial traffic, both of vehicles and the passengers, between Sub-urban Bus Station and the Railway Station on Irwin Road on the one hand, and between the Sub-urban Bus Station and the City Bus Station via Harding Circle. Consequently, these short distance roads within the Transport Triangle get further highly  congested.

City Bus Station

This bus station was established around 1967. Today 421 city buses make 6,300 trips, ie arrive and depart from this bus station. On an average about 2,60,000  passengers make use of City Bus Station.  Of  6,300 trips , nearly 3,335 trips are those which take place during the Peak hours consisting of 07.30 to 10.30 and 16.00 to 19.00 hours. Obviously the density of bus trips and the number of passengers will be skewed heavily during the peak hours. 

Now this bus station is located at a corner of K.R.Circle, with entrance from Albert Victor Road (between two statue circles) and exit on Sayyaji rao road. All the buses coming to City Bus Station come from Albert Victor Road, and almost all the departing buses take turn towards MCC office on Sayyaji Rao road. Congestion caused by these buses on these two roads has to be seen to be believed. 

“Transport Triangle” needs immediate Attention

From the above facts and figures one can imagine how much of vehicular traffic is accounted by this Transport Triangle. One can argue that this triangle is only a consequence of the existence of CBD.  Even if it is so, a time has come to find out of the box solutions before these roads become out of use due to chocking vehicular traffic.  All the wide footpaths in the CBD area are either slimmed down or have become not useful to the pedestrians. Like in Bengaluru, city bus drivers may soon refuse to drive on these chocked roads, if immediate solutions are not found.

Possible Solutions

A. Reduce the number of passengers disembarking  at the city station by following steps are recommended: 

a. Railways should consider brief stop at Naganahalli for  trains originating from Bengaluru so that passengers heading to areas linked by Ring Road can disembark there. Bus services should be made available here for such destination.

b. Railways should also consider to extend the services above trains to be extended till Railway workshop. This would facilitate passengers to disembark at Chamarajpet station, and at Railway Workshop station to reach their destinations in southern parts of the city.

c. Trains coming from Hassan Arasikere side should give a stop at Metagalli where a new terminal is being planned. This will help passengers heading towards western part of the city to disembark.

d. Railways should introduce local trains running between Naganahalli, City Station, Chamarajapuram, Ashokapuram, and even Kadokola where a large container station is being planned. Similarly locals can run between KRS, Belagola Metagalli, and City station and provide link to earlier mentioned local trains.

Above steps will not only help reduce the passenger load on the city station but substantially reduce the vehicular traffic on the roads in the CBD. Similar steps have been taken in Bengaluru with the shifting of  many operations first to Cantonment station, then to Yeshvanthpur station and now development of KR Puram station. Should Mysuru wait for total collapse of the system before one considers rational solutions?

B. Shift the City Bus station and re-design the routing pattern

It is time that the present City Bus Station, which is already chocking due to shortage of space and highly congested CBD roads is shifted out of the CBD. It seems to have outlived its utility and is more a main source of vehicular congestion in the CBD. The present city bus routes are structured mostly on a Circular pattern. It is time to consider Radial Patter in the light of newer bus stations available on the Ring Road or nearby Ring Road. Prof.Yedunandan, of J.C.Enigineering College, who is also a Consultant Structural Engineer,  has developed Radial Loop system for the internal bus transport which can be considered here.

C. Need to Shift the Sub-urban Bus Station
Sheer load of bus trips on Bengaluru – Nilgiri road within the city demands that major operations of this bus station needs decentralization. Like in the case of heavy vehicles, now time has come to restrict the movement of sub-urban buses through the city roads. Bengaluru oriented buses can make use of Sathagalli Bus Station, near Narayan Hridyalaya, on the Ring Road. And southern sector buses can be routed through a bus station on Ring Road there. So also the Eastern and Western sector buses. These steps may be considered highly impractical at first. But since there is no alternative to them, one should hasten up to test them. Who could imagine that Mysuru oriented buses could be cut off from the main bus station at Bengaluru and shifted to the Satellite Bus station. Have not the travelling public gradually accepted this change?

Serious problems demand courageous decisions. Mysore Master Plan should have taken note of this problem, but did not. Now at least it is time that MUDA, MCC, RTO, and the Police department put their heads together to analyze the traffic problem emanating from the Traffic Triangle and take appropriate steps before it reach gigantic proportions. But has it not already reached that stage?